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The late 20th century saw the rise of three closely related phenomena: modern American conservatism, Ronald Reagan, and right-wing Christianity. Russ Freure explores the ascent and convergence of these three forces, which combined to bring about a remarkable shift in the American zeitgeist during the 1980s.

Image courtesy of interviewee. September 17, 2024

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This video discusses the author's research on the role of Ronald Reagan in the development of the religious right within the Republican Party, particularly focusing on the evolution of political and religious dynamics from the 1980s onward. The author initiated this study due to an interest in Reagan's influence and the noticeable shift of religion's significance in Republican rhetoric during the 2000 and 2012 elections.

Initially, the research aimed to ascertain Reagan's impact on promoting the religious right's moral agenda. However, as the author delved deeper, they recognized the need to understand Reagan's broader political and religious philosophies and the historical roots of the religious right movement. The study expanded to encompass the relationship between the religious right and the American conservative movement, emphasizing that modern conservatism likely could not exist without the influence of these religious dynamics.

The author highlights Reagan's substantial contributions, particularly in mainstreaming the religious right's agenda, which integrated religious issues more substantially into American political discourse. Although Reagan faced challenges in achieving specific legislative goals related to the religious right, such as abortion policy or school prayer, his presidency cemented the importance of these issues within the Republican Party and the broader political landscape.

In sum, the research asserts that Reagan's influence reshaped not only the Republican Party by merging traditional conservatism with religious elements but also elevated the religious right as a significant political force, laying the groundwork for future mobilizations and policy considerations that echoed through the decades, culminating in notable events like the overturning of Roe v. Wade. The author argues that Reagan's normalization of religious involvement in politics had a lasting impact that has yet to be fully acknowledged in academic literature.

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Here are five key points distilled from the video:

1. **Interest in Reagan and Religious Influence**: The study originated from an interest in Ronald Reagan, particularly regarding the increasing incorporation of religious language and policies in the Republican Party's rhetoric during the presidential elections of 2000 and 2012.

2. **Reagan's Role in Elevating Religious Right**: The researcher aimed to investigate Reagan's influence on the religious right's moral agenda, initially focusing on the 1980s but expanding to understand broader historical convideos. This included analyzing Reagan's political and religious philosophies and their connections to the modern American conservative movement.

3. **Historical Roots of Religious Conservatism**: The research delves deep into the historical roots of the religious right, tracing influences from earlier movements, including the Puritans and the various awakenings in American evangelicalism. It highlights the emergence and evolution of fundamentalism and evangelicalism, especially in reaction to modernism and societal shifts.

4. **Fusion of Conservatism and Religious Beliefs**: The video discusses the intellectual efforts to unify classical liberalism and traditional conservatism into a single political philosophy, exemplified by figures like Frank Meyer. This philosophical fusion, embodied by Reagan, combined a commitment to both individual freedom and social order, significantly shaping the conservative movement in the U.S.

5. **Mainstreaming Religion in Politics**: The most significant impact of Reagan's presidency was the mainstreaming of religious discourse and the religious right's agenda within American politics. He actively advocated for religious issues, making them central to political discussions and policies. His efforts helped elevate religious conservatism's role within the Republican Party and American political life, setting the stage for later developments, including the explicit religious rhetoric used in subsequent elections and movements.

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Here are some key quotes from the video that illustrate the main themes and arguments regarding Ronald Reagan's influence on the Republican Party and the religious right:

1. **Interest in Reagan and Religion**:
- "Undertook the study because of, uh, my interest in, in Ronald Reagan... I noticed a significant infusion of religion into the Republican, uh, candidate's rhetoric and policy objectives."

2. **Reagan’s Role in the Religious Right**:
- "I was obviously aware that Reagan had, you know, um, was, uh, recognized as an influential individual in terms of, uh, the rise of the religious right."

3. **Shift in Academic Literature**:
- "The academic literature didn't really suggest that at all... seemed to sort of downplay Reagan's role and relegate his influence to basically just rhetoric."

4. **Broader Convideo of Research**:
- "The study sort of broadened to incorporate a much sort, uh, much bigger picture than I intended to at the beginning."

5. **Historical Roots**:
- "Any exploration of the religious right... required a more complete understanding of, of the movements of deep historical roots."

6. **Link Between Movements**:
- "Quite frankly, without the modern American conservative movement, there likely would've been no religious right."

7. **Reagan's Personal Background**:
- "Reagan gets, uh, his... core tenets from his father... of free will... but he was also raised by a very strict, uh, religious mother."

8. **Fusion of Philosophies**:
- "Reagan believed this... and this formed the core philosophy of both his political and religious beliefs."

9. **Reagan’s Political Agenda**:
- "Freedom prospers when religion is vibrant, and the rule of law, uh, under God is acknowledged."

10. **Mainstreaming the Religious Right**:
- "Reagan's greatest contribution to the religious right... is his mainstreaming of the movement and their policy objectives."

11. **Legislative Impact**:
- "While there was some legislative success, admittedly he didn't pass the three main objectives... but I argue that... the credibility he gives them is much more important."

12. **Long-term Effects**:
- "That credibility in the long run... has had a much greater impact than the scholarship has up to this point."

These quotes capture the essence of the study’s exploration of Reagan's influence on religious beliefs within the Republican Party and the political landscape in America. They highlight his dual background of both classical liberalism and a strong religious upbringing, as well as his efforts to fuse these elements into a coherent political strategy.

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Here are some suggested articles that discuss similar themes related to Ronald Reagan, the religious right, and the intersection of religion and politics within the Republican Party:

1. **"God and Ronald Reagan: A Spiritual History of the 40th President" by Paul Kengor** - This book explores the spiritual beliefs and political philosophy of Ronald Reagan, focusing on how his faith influenced his presidency and his relationship with the religious right.

2. **"The Religious Right: The Assault on Reason" by Stephen A. Smith** - This article delves into how the religious right emerged as a powerful faction within the Republican Party during the Reagan era, analyzing the implications for American politics and governance.

3. **"Reagan's Political Theology: The Emergence of the Religious Right" in *Political Theology* by David E. Campbell** - This academic paper discusses the entwined relationship between Reagan's policies and the rise of the religious right, emphasizing the theological implications of his political strategies.

4. **"The Rise of the Religious Right in the Republican Party" by Michelle Goldberg** - This piece outlines the historical convideo of the religious right's rise within the party, tracing how Reagan's presidency catalyzed their influence on conservative politics.

5. **"Faith and Politics: The Impact of the Religious Right on the Republican Party" by Steven Waldman** - This article analyzes how the religious right has shaped Republican Party platforms and electoral strategies since the 1980s, with a focus on Reagan's role in this transformation.

6. **"Conservatism and Religious Politics in America: The Case of Ronald Reagan" by Andrew R. Lewis** - This research study examines the interplay between conservatism and religious beliefs during Reagan’s presidency, assessing the long-term effects on the party and the nation.

7. **"Evangelicals and the Politics of the Reagan Era" by Richard Land** - This article reviews the crucial role of evangelical Christians in supporting Reagan, discussing how his presidency marked a turning point for their political engagement.

8. **"Reagan, Religion, and the Republican Party" by D. Michael Lindsay** - This article reflects on the sociopolitical changes that Reagan brought to the Republican Party, exploring the coalescence of faith-based movements with political activism.

These articles and studies offer varying perspectives on the impact of Ronald Reagan and the religious right on American politics and provide insights into the broader implications of their relationship.

X-TIMESTAMP-MAP:LOCAL=00:00:00.000,MPEGTS=900000

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Undertook the study

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because of, my interest in, in Ronald Reagan.

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Um, and particularly in the, in the shift in the,

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Republican parties, presidential,

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election of, of, 2000

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and and 12, was where I noticed a, a,

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a significant infusion of religion into the Republican,

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candidate's rhetoric

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and policy objectives, which had been sort of,

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over time had been, had been more and more evident,

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but became very, very clear at that moment.

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But the origins are what the roots of this,

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religion, religious centered,

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focus in the Republican Party,

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where it came from, where, where it started.

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And I, I was obviously aware that Reagan had, you know,

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was, recognized as an influential individual in terms

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of, the rise of the religious right.

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But the academic literature didn't

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really suggest that at all.

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In fact, that would, that seemed to be more

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of a popular opinion than, than, than

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what was represented in the scholarship, which seemed

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to sort of downplay Reagan's role

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and relegate his influence to basically just rhetoric.

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Um, and so, so that's what initiated the, my,

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my interest in, in the research.

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And initially, I was just looking to sort

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of answer one sort of main question.

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What was Reagan's role in, in sort of,

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elevating and promoting the religious rights moral agenda?

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And so the focus was, was more of a 1980s focus.

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But as soon as I started doing the research, I came to,

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to sort of quickly realize

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that there was a lot more at play here than that.

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And, I came to understand that if I was going

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to really appreciate Reagan's role, in,

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in, you know, promoting the religious rights moral agenda,

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there were a few other questions, few other issues

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that I really needed to get at the core of.

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And so, while the study remained a Reagan

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centric focus study, it came to take on sort of larger,

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broader parameters.

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There were three key reasons for this shift.

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I sort of alluded to them here.

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But the first was that grappling with this question,

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posed, to get a real appreciation, of Reagan's,

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of, of what was going on in hi.

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And, his role in this, I needed

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to really get a better grasp of Reagan's political

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and religious philosophies.

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It also became apparent that, any exploration

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of the religious right

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and the fundamental, fundamentalist

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and evangelical leaders that, that sort

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of led the movement,

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it required a more complete understanding of, of

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the movements of deep historical roots.

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Uh, so, so that's where, where sort of the,

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the broader religious right context came in.

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And as soon as I started doing research into that,

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I also came to appreciate that the integral link

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between the religious right

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and the modern American conservative movement,

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quite frankly, without the re the modern American

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conservative movement,

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there likely would've been no religious right.

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And so, so the study, the study sort of broadened

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to incorporate a much sort, much bigger picture than I,

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I intended to, at, at the beginning.

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My main research, came from,

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my work at the Reagan archives.

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So that really sort of forms the strongest basis

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of my primary source research in terms of Reagan,

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and then his administration's, dealings

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and relationship with the religious right.

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Um, I also looked at, a, a great deal of,

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for my foundational, knowledge

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or information on the religious right

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and, and their movement.

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Uh, I look to, to the leaders of that movement.

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So there's, that research is based in the writings

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of people like Jerry Falwell, pat Robertson,

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Francis Schafer, and,

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and other influential religious right leaders.

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Their books, their letters, their sermons,

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correspondence, things like that.

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And then for my understanding of the conservative movement,

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again, I went to the, to those individuals who,

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who founded and formed the movement.

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Um, so people like William F. Buckley, Jr.

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Frank Meyer, Richard Weaver,

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Leo Strauss, guys like that.

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Um, and then,

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and then of course on top of that,

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I have things like polling research, and,

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and, political documents, policy

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platforms, things like that.

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So really the, the core of the foundational research is,

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is the Reagan, archives, deep historical roots.

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I kind of, I, I go pretty far back.

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Um, and that, and, and,

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and really look at religion in America.

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Um, even though we think of the religious right

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as a modern movement,

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it takes a great deal from previous movements.

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For example, even the Puritans, I will go back

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and look at the Puritans and from the Puritans,

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the religious rights sort of drive their understanding of,

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of the relationship between government

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and the people in the form of, of, of a covenant

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or an agreement between, the people

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and God, God represented in, in this case, by government.

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So that key element of, of a covenant,

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which is extremely important, in, in the context

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of the religious right, which is, you know, which kind

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of their sort of raison dre

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or their justification for entering politics is

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because they'd come to understand it, that,

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that their understanding

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of the covenant had been broken by government.

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Um, so that's sort of, that's,

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that's the deeper sort of historical roots.

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And then of course, we have the emergence

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of evangelicalism and fundamentalism.

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So in terms of evangelicalism, it's, you know,

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we have the great awakening in the early mid 17 hundreds.

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And this sort of helps begin

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to shift from pur away from Puritanism towards

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evangelicalism, as the dominant sort of

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religious philosophy or religious outlook in the

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colonies in the United States.

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And then again, then we have the second grade awakening in

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the, late 18th,

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early 19th century, excuse me.

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And this really solidifies a shift away from Puritanism

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to evangelicalism.

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And within a very short time, you have evangelicalism

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as the predominant sort

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of religious view in the United States.

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And we see a schism within the evangelical movement.

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And this largely comes about with the,

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rise of modernism.

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Uh, the works of people like Charles Darwin

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and Frederick Nietzsche,

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which really challenged religion's fundamental place in

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central focus in, in, in society.

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And evangelicals, sort of deal with this in two ways.

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Uh, the more liberal ones tend to try

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to incorporate these modernist thoughts within their

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basic religious outlook.

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So they sort of, begin to move away from things like

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biblical inerrancy or literal belief in the Bible,

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in the tribe, and say that these are more guidelines,

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or these are more sort of,

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you know, metaphors for

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how we should live our life and things like that.

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But there's a strong group of cons, more conservative

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or right-leaning evangelicals who

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not, who don't, who don't, who not only don't embrace

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or try to incorporate this, these sort of modern ways

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of thinking, these intellectual, scientific

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and philosophical sort of

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progressive movements, if you will.

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And instead, adhere strictly

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and become even more,

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sort of, what's the word I'm looking for,

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more attached

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or more, to, to the,

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to the traditional sort of view of things.

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And this is where you see a breakdown in

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evangelical movement.

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So you, you see, a schism that sort

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of leaves two sides, a more liberal

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and a more sort of what we might think of as conservative,

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although they probably wouldn't have identified

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as conservative at that time, in, in history.

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Uh, and so you have these two groups,

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and from the, from then there's another schism.

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You have,

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more conservative evangelical split even further.

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And this is where you see the rise

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of the fundamentalist movement.

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Um, and it's the fundamentalist movement that,

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that sort of, it, it, it ships ships even further

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to the right, sort of in, in opposition to, these,

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these shifting, political

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or shifting religious philosophies.

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So, so you have that.

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Then the fundamentalist movement itself

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Has a schism.

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And so now you see the breakdown of this, of what

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Was once just sort of even evangelicalism into,

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not just a, a, a a, different

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Groups within the evangelical movement,

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but also an entirely different

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Movement that springs up in the fundamentalist movement.

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And so, in the 1920s and the early, early 19 hundreds,

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but really begins in the 1920s, we see,

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a concerted effort on the part of predominantly

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These right-wing fundamentalists, to challenge

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this modernist movement.

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And here we see the rise

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of somebody like a William Jennings Bryant,

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who is a larger than life, political

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and, intellectual

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and religious figure in the United States,

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Who in, in fact, is fairly progressive in

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most of his outlook.

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He's a champion of women's rights,

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and economically progressive, but,

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but draws the line when it comes to particular issues,

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particularly evolution.

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And so we see the final, the fundamentalists actually

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Make their first real sort of foray

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Into the public political discourse.

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And of course, this all culminates

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with the famous Scopes Monkey trial.

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Um, you know, when,

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when evolution is, is,

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is challenged in the public school system in Tennessee,

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Uh, the fundamentalists Actually win that case.

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Um, but it breaks when, Bryant, they

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Win the case legally, but

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It's a empiric victory, and they're sort of

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Ridiculed In the public stage.

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Uh, and, and

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after that, the fundamentalists sort

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of recede into the background,

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and they sort of leave the public political

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discourse for quite a while.

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And, and fundamentalism is, is, to, is, is sort

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of,

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Ridiculed. And,

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Basically

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Nobody would identify as a fundamental.

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There's a famous quote that, you know, that to, to, to,

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to raise your voice

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and let it be known you're fundamentalist is fundamentalist

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is is to be ridiculed.

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So, so the religious movement sort of,

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Uh, recede into the background for, for,

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for the better part of, of, you know, half a century.

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But it's in the wake of the second World War

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where you see a, a

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Religious revival. And

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this is largely in opposition to the rise of communism.

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And of course, one of the fundamental tenets

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of communism is anti-religious sort of sentiment.

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And whereas government had had

11:56.445 --> 12:00.605
sort of, is issued any kind of direct, relationship

12:00.675 --> 12:01.725
with, with religion

12:01.785 --> 12:04.325
and political leaders, religiou, sorry,

12:04.645 --> 12:07.135
religious leaders, you see the emergence

12:07.135 --> 12:09.255
of Billy Graham in the 1950s, and you see more

12:09.255 --> 12:10.855
and more evangelicals and fundamentalists sort

12:10.855 --> 12:12.335
of immersing themselves or,

12:12.555 --> 12:14.815
or stepping into the public political discourse.

12:15.115 --> 12:17.375
But these are still small numbers for the large part.

12:17.375 --> 12:19.455
They sort of maintain their own subcultures.

12:20.565 --> 12:24.065
Um, and then basically you get, in the 1970s,

12:24.085 --> 12:27.565
you get the Roe v Wade decision, which

12:29.565 --> 12:33.975
really brings religion into, back into,

12:34.045 --> 12:35.895
into oppositional religion,

12:35.895 --> 12:37.855
back into the public political discourse.

12:38.275 --> 12:40.775
But it's largely led by Catholics who have been sort

12:40.775 --> 12:45.015
of the traditional, opponents of the abortion

12:45.115 --> 12:48.335
and contraceptives and things like that, some evangelicals

12:48.335 --> 12:51.415
and fundamentalists, but predominantly Catholics.

12:52.585 --> 12:55.425
But there's a significant, at the same time,

12:55.485 --> 12:58.465
in the post World War II period, you get the ro

12:58.565 --> 13:01.065
the reemergence of a conservative sort of,

13:02.065 --> 13:03.745
interest in conservative intellectualism.

13:04.405 --> 13:06.025
And this comes in two different camps.

13:06.025 --> 13:09.265
It comes from what we think classical liberals

13:10.045 --> 13:12.665
on the one hand, and traditional conservatives on the other.

13:13.085 --> 13:14.425
And these two groups, sort of,

13:14.425 --> 13:16.305
these two intellectual movements sort

13:16.305 --> 13:19.985
of emerge in opposition to social democratic liberalism,

13:20.125 --> 13:22.905
or what we might think of as New deal liberalism represented

13:22.905 --> 13:25.185
in FDR and, and the New Deal.

13:25.525 --> 13:27.425
And so you have the reemergence

13:27.425 --> 13:30.145
of an intellectual movement in these two,

13:30.915 --> 13:33.705
these two spheres, these two political philosophies.

13:34.125 --> 13:37.545
And of course, these are diametrically different ideologies.

13:37.545 --> 13:40.945
In fact, the conservative traditional conservatism emerges,

13:41.045 --> 13:44.465
you know, with Edmund Burke in opposition

13:44.465 --> 13:47.265
to classical liberalism, to John Locke

13:47.265 --> 13:48.505
and classical liberalism.

13:48.885 --> 13:52.225
So in fact, you have these two diametrically opposed,

13:52.375 --> 13:55.205
political ideologies that,

13:56.425 --> 14:00.875
that reemerge in opposition to the more modern concept

14:00.935 --> 14:02.955
of liberalism or social democratic

14:02.955 --> 14:04.555
liberalism, new deal liberalism.

14:05.925 --> 14:10.125
And these intellectual movements sort of,

14:10.275 --> 14:13.525
come about concurrently in two different sort of sides.

14:14.645 --> 14:18.425
And they find common cause against this, you know,

14:18.655 --> 14:21.825
communism abroad and new deal liberalism at home.

14:22.405 --> 14:25.105
And so it's basically the enemy of my enemy as my friend.

14:25.685 --> 14:28.705
And these two groups sort of try and unite with each other,

14:28.805 --> 14:29.985
but of course, they're, they're,

14:29.985 --> 14:32.345
they're oppositional political philosophies.

14:33.215 --> 14:36.995
And it's through, an individual called Frank Meyer,

14:37.095 --> 14:39.715
who was a prominent writer at National Review,

14:39.715 --> 14:41.515
which was founded by William L. Buckley Jr.

14:41.775 --> 14:43.635
Who comes up with this idea of fusion.

14:44.385 --> 14:47.515
This concept of fusion where he says, no, no, these two

14:48.325 --> 14:51.885
ideologies aren't, aren't in opposition to each other.

14:52.025 --> 14:54.725
In fact, they're very much dependent on one, one another.

14:55.225 --> 14:58.445
And he use, he basically sums it up in the idea that,

14:58.745 --> 15:01.325
you cannot have, order,

15:02.025 --> 15:03.445
or sorry, you cannot have freedom

15:03.705 --> 15:05.925
and liberty, without order.

15:06.305 --> 15:09.165
So of course, classical liberalism, you know,

15:09.445 --> 15:11.005
the main tenants or main philosophies

15:11.005 --> 15:15.205
of classical liberalism are free will, and, and,

15:15.225 --> 15:16.325
and freedom of liberty.

15:16.985 --> 15:19.765
And on the other side, you have traditional conservatism,

15:20.095 --> 15:23.565
which values sort of order, hierarchy,

15:23.565 --> 15:24.965
virtue, things like that.

15:25.505 --> 15:26.885
And so Meyer basically says

15:26.885 --> 15:28.925
that these two things are actually compatible.

15:29.425 --> 15:32.925
And so the intellectual movement shifts

15:32.925 --> 15:37.865
to a political movement based on this concept, the,

15:37.925 --> 15:40.505
the idea that these two things are inextricably linked,

15:41.165 --> 15:42.705
and of course, they're not.

15:42.705 --> 15:44.425
So there's tension within the conservative,

15:44.685 --> 15:46.145
the modern American conserv.

15:46.165 --> 15:48.705
And so that's what modern American conservatism is.

15:49.055 --> 15:52.705
It's these two philosophies sort of brought together as one.

15:53.525 --> 15:55.745
Um, and there's tension there.

15:55.745 --> 15:58.145
There continues to be tension there,

15:58.825 --> 16:01.225
prominent intellectuals on both sides opposed

16:02.085 --> 16:04.105
the unification of these two ideologies.

16:04.645 --> 16:07.705
But it basically became the underlying philosophy,

16:07.965 --> 16:09.505
for the movement moving forward,

16:09.835 --> 16:11.985
which then manifests itself politically.

16:12.975 --> 16:16.115
Um, and the first real, standard bearer of that is,

16:16.215 --> 16:17.435
Barry Goldwater.

16:18.255 --> 16:21.675
Um, of course, his political success on the, on the,

16:21.695 --> 16:23.515
in the presidential realm is a failure,

16:24.135 --> 16:26.675
but it's enough to bring the movement into sort of,

16:26.735 --> 16:27.875
the mainstream.

16:28.375 --> 16:31.715
And then of course, we have Ronald Reagan who comes in,

16:31.735 --> 16:33.275
to term governor of California,

16:34.015 --> 16:37.595
and it's with Reagan that, in the 1980s

16:38.045 --> 16:42.435
where we see these two, these two oppositional sort

16:42.595 --> 16:45.155
of ideologies, really sort of fused.

16:45.155 --> 16:47.035
Reagan gets, his,

16:47.145 --> 16:50.235
he's basically raised in a classical liberal sort

16:50.235 --> 16:51.515
of political philosophy.

16:52.135 --> 16:55.915
Um, he gets the, the, the, the, the core tenets of

16:55.915 --> 16:59.515
that from his father who instills in him this idea that,

16:59.695 --> 17:03.075
of free will, the idea that, you know, you are

17:03.075 --> 17:06.715
what you make of yourself, that, that, you know,

17:07.025 --> 17:09.515
each person is responsible and dictates

17:09.515 --> 17:10.675
and directs their own future.

17:11.485 --> 17:14.025
But he was also raised by a very strict,

17:14.625 --> 17:15.585
religious mother who was a

17:15.585 --> 17:16.705
member of the disciples of Christ Church.

17:16.705 --> 17:19.225
And Reagan was raised in the disciples of Christ Church.

17:19.965 --> 17:24.345
Um, and he's often sort of painted as this pseudo sort

17:24.345 --> 17:26.705
of traditional or religious conservative.

17:26.845 --> 17:28.505
Uh, but that's not true.

17:28.805 --> 17:31.905
The foundations of Reagan's religious influences are very

17:31.905 --> 17:34.745
deep, and his mother raises and instills in him,

17:34.745 --> 17:36.865
and the church instills in him this idea of sort of,

17:36.925 --> 17:41.145
of a divine will, of, of this sense that God has a plan,

17:41.165 --> 17:42.265
and that, you know, everything

17:42.265 --> 17:43.865
that happens is part of God's plan.

17:44.055 --> 17:45.865
Well, of course, these two things are, again,

17:45.935 --> 17:47.985
much like traditional conservatism

17:48.245 --> 17:49.685
and cross classical liberalism,

17:50.315 --> 17:52.365
diametrically applies to, to one another.

17:52.945 --> 17:55.765
You know, you, you can't have divine will on one side

17:55.785 --> 17:57.125
and freedom of will on the other.

17:57.545 --> 17:59.885
But Reagan's able to sort of embrace both

17:59.885 --> 18:00.925
of these philosophies.

18:01.285 --> 18:03.045
I kind of refer to it as Will and destiny.

18:03.995 --> 18:07.855
And, and that really forms the core of Reagan's religious

18:07.855 --> 18:09.055
and political philosophies.

18:09.275 --> 18:12.895
And of course, this fits perfectly into Frank Meyer's theory

18:12.915 --> 18:15.655
of fusion, the idea that traditional conservatism

18:15.675 --> 18:19.615
and classical liberalism can, can, you know, work together

18:19.675 --> 18:21.695
or in fact are actually inextricably linked.

18:21.835 --> 18:23.175
And Reagan believed this,

18:23.235 --> 18:26.895
and this form, the core philosophy of both its political

18:27.195 --> 18:28.375
and religious beliefs.

18:29.705 --> 18:32.045
So what Reagan is able to do, as opposed

18:32.065 --> 18:36.005
to somebody like Barry Goldwater who sort of give deference,

18:36.265 --> 18:39.365
or or somewhat lip service, was able to sort of,

18:39.425 --> 18:42.885
you know, incorporate some of the philosophies of, of,

18:43.425 --> 18:45.085
of traditional conservatism.

18:45.305 --> 18:46.405
He was a libertarian.

18:46.625 --> 18:48.725
He opposed, you know, he was, he was okay

18:48.995 --> 18:50.965
with things like voluntary school prayer,

18:51.025 --> 18:53.445
but he was opposed to the religious rights influence in the

18:53.525 --> 18:56.885
GOP, and he was really an outspoken libertarian.

18:57.515 --> 18:59.925
Whereas Reagan was able to embrace both

18:59.925 --> 19:03.685
of these philosophies in which placed him ideally,

19:03.905 --> 19:07.525
in an ideal position to sort of bring about the fusion

19:07.545 --> 19:10.765
of these two in terms of the political, in terms

19:10.765 --> 19:12.765
of political policy and political outlook.

19:12.825 --> 19:14.085
He shared the general concerns

19:14.085 --> 19:15.765
of these Christian conservatives genuinely.

19:16.605 --> 19:19.225
And, he would say things like,

19:19.965 --> 19:22.705
the American people were under a direct attack from radical

19:22.705 --> 19:25.305
secular values and, and, and things like that.

19:25.445 --> 19:28.865
And freedom prospers when religion is, is vibrant,

19:28.965 --> 19:31.345
and the rule of law, under God is acknowledged.

19:31.565 --> 19:34.665
So Reagan presidency is able to facilitate the convergence

19:34.665 --> 19:36.225
of modern American conservatism,

19:36.445 --> 19:37.545
and right when Christianity,

19:37.615 --> 19:40.745
because he embraces the core philosophies represented

19:40.745 --> 19:41.865
by both of those two things.

19:42.725 --> 19:46.705
And so what he's able to do then is to sort of, whereas

19:47.475 --> 19:51.895
there had been sort of two,

19:53.705 --> 19:55.355
sort of separate wings

19:55.355 --> 19:58.755
of the modern American conservative movement, he's able

19:58.775 --> 20:02.475
to sort of fuse the, the policy objectives of,

20:02.535 --> 20:03.595
of both of those together.

20:04.015 --> 20:06.835
He would say things like, you know, we don't have two,

20:06.895 --> 20:09.275
you know, one policy objective for this, and one for that.

20:09.295 --> 20:12.435
We have one policy objective, just as you know, as we hope

20:12.495 --> 20:16.395
to, write the, the nation's economic, finances.

20:16.455 --> 20:20.035
And, and, and the foreign policy objectives at the same time

20:20.035 --> 20:23.555
will do this within the broader context of a moral,

20:23.915 --> 20:25.835
rejuvenation of within the United States.

20:26.295 --> 20:30.795
And so he's able to actually, raise the issues that,

20:30.795 --> 20:32.035
that are prominent and,

20:32.135 --> 20:35.755
and, important to those in the religious right to,

20:35.975 --> 20:39.995
if not the same, to if not the same place as the,

20:40.095 --> 20:42.875
the economic sort of, values

20:42.975 --> 20:44.755
or economic policy objectives

20:44.755 --> 20:47.675
and foreign policy objectives of the classical liberals.

20:48.175 --> 20:51.155
Uh, he's at least able to, to put them in the discussion.

20:51.795 --> 20:55.935
And so what we see by the time Reagan leaves office is that

20:57.605 --> 20:58.745
we, we basically see a,

20:58.825 --> 21:01.105
a true fusion within the Republican party

21:01.105 --> 21:03.145
and within the conservative movement,

21:04.255 --> 21:09.055
theoretically at least of the core tenets of both

21:09.055 --> 21:12.015
of those two political philosophies, Reagan succeeded in,

21:12.015 --> 21:13.735
in sort of moving the conservative movement,

21:13.755 --> 21:16.815
and by extension, the Republican party closer towards

21:16.925 --> 21:18.055
Myers's vision of fusion.

21:18.835 --> 21:21.135
And, and in theory, in the process, he helped

21:21.135 --> 21:23.815
to elevate the importance of religious commitment

21:23.955 --> 21:27.655
and theological conservatism in terms of voting patterns,

21:27.955 --> 21:31.375
while making religiosity sort of a, a central component

21:31.435 --> 21:32.775
of the Republican party.

21:33.395 --> 21:37.815
And you see moving forward, whereas the,

21:38.115 --> 21:39.135
the libertarian wing

21:39.135 --> 21:42.015
of the Republican party had been predominant, you start

21:42.015 --> 21:46.715
to see the beginning of traditional conservatism

21:47.355 --> 21:50.395
actually, actually not, not just sort of

21:51.415 --> 21:52.905
getting an equal footing,

21:53.045 --> 21:55.385
but start to take over the Republican party itself.

21:56.425 --> 21:58.885
And so as we move further into the nineties,

21:58.885 --> 22:03.605
into two thousands, it's really the,

22:03.995 --> 22:05.725
traditional conservative element

22:05.825 --> 22:08.005
or wing of the party that comes to dominate.

22:08.705 --> 22:10.085
And it's the libertarian

22:10.225 --> 22:13.325
and classical liberal wing of the party that seeks

22:13.325 --> 22:16.565
to maintain some sort of dominant, or not even dominance,

22:16.565 --> 22:19.045
but just even some sort of a voice in the party,

22:19.075 --> 22:23.245
what Reagan was to do besides his policy, successes,

22:23.985 --> 22:27.965
which things like, passing, equal access,

22:27.965 --> 22:30.725
which allows religious, groups equal access

22:30.785 --> 22:31.805
to public schools.

22:32.385 --> 22:35.765
Uh, it was actually able to pass a silent prayer objective,

22:36.145 --> 22:38.965
of course, things like, tuition tax credits for,

22:39.105 --> 22:41.125
for students, going to private schools,

22:41.355 --> 22:43.605
Christian private schools,

22:44.665 --> 22:49.525
and, the abortion issue, which came to really again,

22:49.555 --> 22:52.295
sort of symbolize the, the, the,

22:52.315 --> 22:54.695
the religious right movement are,

22:54.765 --> 22:55.975
he's less successful in that.

22:56.275 --> 23:00.975
And of course, those things, are still, left,

23:00.985 --> 23:02.495
incomplete when Reagan leaves.

23:02.875 --> 23:05.735
Now, of course, fast forward 40 years later,

23:06.355 --> 23:08.495
and we have, you know, what

23:09.165 --> 23:12.375
many people thought was impossible, the actual overturning

23:12.375 --> 23:16.775
of Roe v Wade, the roots of that movement that, that made,

23:16.775 --> 23:18.375
that, you know, the roots of that sort

23:18.655 --> 23:23.265
of political success in the 2000 twenties is, is in,

23:24.085 --> 23:27.265
is in the 1980s with, with Ronald Reagan.

23:27.525 --> 23:30.265
Reagan infuses religion into politics.

23:30.885 --> 23:34.745
He speaks, in religious terms, he advocates

23:34.765 --> 23:37.465
for religious right, moral,

23:37.675 --> 23:40.585
their moral agenda objectives in speeches.

23:41.485 --> 23:45.725
Um, he is the most outspoken advocate,

23:45.945 --> 23:47.845
of the anti-abortion movement.

23:48.305 --> 23:52.115
Um, in fact, he writes,

23:52.255 --> 23:54.715
he writes an anti-abortion polemic an article,

23:54.765 --> 23:56.315
which is then turned into a book.

23:57.015 --> 24:01.955
Um, you know, he, he declares a, a a a year

24:01.955 --> 24:03.715
of prayer in 1983.

24:04.415 --> 24:09.395
He, he, he, Reagan is the one we hear,

24:10.475 --> 24:12.095
you know, what's become commonplace

24:12.095 --> 24:13.495
in American political rhetoric.

24:13.515 --> 24:15.695
God bless America, that had actually,

24:15.695 --> 24:17.535
that term had only actually ever been used once

24:18.395 --> 24:20.735
in a political speech by Richard Nixon.

24:21.035 --> 24:24.055
It was during the Watergate scandal. Reagan.

24:24.115 --> 24:25.615
Reagan used that regularly.

24:25.635 --> 24:27.855
And where today that, that's a ubiquitous term,

24:28.195 --> 24:30.215
and not just within the Republican party,

24:30.595 --> 24:32.135
but across the political spectrum.

24:33.165 --> 24:36.025
So, you know, Reagan really is the one who,

24:36.605 --> 24:38.665
who infuses religion into politics.

24:39.125 --> 24:42.465
And when he leaves, that's not just a core tenet

24:42.465 --> 24:43.625
of the Republican party,

24:44.165 --> 24:46.345
but it's a, it's a, it's across the political spectrum.

24:46.655 --> 24:50.185
What we see in, in the post Reagan era are

24:51.875 --> 24:53.115
religious, right, prominent,

24:53.315 --> 24:56.035
religious right activists entering the political,

24:56.265 --> 25:00.595
form themselves, not as backers of other,

25:01.055 --> 25:03.995
of, of political actors themselves,

25:04.375 --> 25:06.875
but they take on the role of political action themselves.

25:06.975 --> 25:11.555
So we first see that in, pat Robertson,

25:12.005 --> 25:14.395
who's a prominent, religious right,

25:14.455 --> 25:16.155
leader running for president.

25:17.515 --> 25:19.255
Uh, of course, he, he doesn't succeed,

25:19.595 --> 25:24.175
but there are hundreds of re political, religious,

25:24.175 --> 25:27.975
right political activists who do win office on the state

25:27.975 --> 25:31.375
and federal level in Congress and the Senate, both state

25:31.475 --> 25:33.215
and federal federally after that.

25:33.715 --> 25:38.175
So, you know, the implications

25:38.235 --> 25:42.255
of Reagan's sort of, prominence and,

25:43.115 --> 25:46.375
but you know, his greatest success really is mainstreaming

25:46.695 --> 25:49.215
religion and politics and mainstreaming the religious right

25:49.595 --> 25:54.015
and making their moral agenda issues, key issues,

25:54.075 --> 25:55.455
not just within the Republican party,

25:55.455 --> 25:57.415
but within the political discourse themselves.

25:57.955 --> 26:00.135
And that brings evangelicals

26:00.135 --> 26:02.935
and fundamentalists directly into the political process.

26:03.375 --> 26:07.215
Reagan's greatest contribution to the religious right,

26:07.475 --> 26:10.695
is his mainstreaming of, of the movement

26:10.795 --> 26:12.295
and their policy objectives.

26:12.755 --> 26:17.495
So these become prominent issues discussed in the Congress

26:17.915 --> 26:19.575
and in the Senate where there had been

26:19.575 --> 26:20.775
peripheral issues before.

26:20.775 --> 26:23.895
Things like abortion, things like school tax credits

26:23.895 --> 26:25.935
for Christian private schools,

26:26.115 --> 26:27.775
things like school prayer.

26:28.695 --> 26:31.155
Um, and, and that's I think what a lot

26:31.155 --> 26:32.835
of the scholarship has neglected.

26:33.415 --> 26:35.715
Um, they've sort of tried

26:35.715 --> 26:39.275
to assess Reagan's success in this area in terms of his,

26:39.415 --> 26:41.275
in terms of legislative success.

26:41.695 --> 26:43.925
And while there was some legislative success,

26:44.325 --> 26:47.605
admittedly he didn't pass the three main objectives,

26:48.395 --> 26:52.055
but I argue that that mainstreaming that credibility

26:52.125 --> 26:55.895
that he gives them, so that as they move forward, they're,

26:55.895 --> 26:58.915
they're, they're, both parties are forced

26:59.135 --> 27:02.195
to take the religious right, and it's the movement

27:02.775 --> 27:05.875
and its policy, its moral agenda, seriously.

27:06.775 --> 27:09.475
And I think that credibility in the long run,

27:09.575 --> 27:12.355
and I think we've seen that manifest itself over the

27:12.355 --> 27:13.635
decades following that.

27:14.175 --> 27:18.795
And of course, it's been, you know, perhaps most

27:19.995 --> 27:23.635
recognized with the passage of, of,

27:23.815 --> 27:26.955
or, you know, sorry, with the,

27:27.235 --> 27:28.275
overturning of Roe v.

27:28.275 --> 27:32.235
Wade. So, I, I, I, my, what I'd really like to make clear is

27:32.235 --> 27:35.035
that, that credibility, that mainstream

27:35.035 --> 27:37.755
that Reagan did is much more important

27:37.855 --> 27:40.835
and has had a much greater impact than the scholarship

27:40.975 --> 27:42.115
has up to this point.

27:42.735 --> 27:46.315
Has, has really, recognized.

00:00 - Undertook the study because of, my interest in, in Ronald Reagan. and particularly in the, in the shift in the, Republican parties, presidential, election of, of, 2000 and and 12, was where I noticed a, a,

00:25 - a significant infusion of religion into the Republican, candidate's rhetoric and policy objectives, which had been sort of, over time had been, had been more and more evident, but became very, very clear at that moment. But the origins are what the roots of this, religion, religious centered, focus in the Republican Party, where it came from, where, where it started. And I, I was obviously aware that Reagan had, you know,

00:55 - was, recognized as an influential individual in terms of, the rise of the religious right. But the academic literature didn't really suggest that at all. In fact, that would, that seemed to be more of a popular opinion than, than, than what was represented in the scholarship, which seemed to sort of downplay Reagan's role and relegate his influence to basically just rhetoric. and so, so that's what initiated the, my,

01:24 - my interest in, in the research. And initially, I was just looking to sort of answer one sort of main question. What was Reagan's role in, in sort of, elevating and promoting the religious rights moral agenda? And so the focus was, was more of a 1980s focus. But as soon as I started doing the research, I came to, to sort of quickly realize that there was a lot more at play here than that. And, I came to understand that if I was going

01:55 - to really appreciate Reagan's role, in, in, you know, promoting the religious rights moral agenda, there were a few other questions, few other issues that I really needed to get at the core of. And so, while the study remained a Reagan centric focus study, it came to take on sort of larger, broader parameters. There were three key reasons for this shift. I sort of alluded to them here. But the first was that grappling with this question,

02:23 - posed, to get a real appreciation, of Reagan's, of, of what was going on in hi. And, his role in this, I needed to really get a better grasp of Reagan's political and religious philosophies. It also became apparent that, any exploration of the religious right and the fundamental, fundamentalist and evangelical leaders that, that sort of led the movement,

02:48 - it required a more complete understanding of, of the movements of deep historical roots. so, so that's where, where sort of the, the broader religious right context came in. And as soon as I started doing research into that, I also came to appreciate that the integral link between the religious right and the modern American conservative movement, quite frankly, without the re the modern American conservative movement,

03:16 - there likely would've been no religious right. And so, so the study, the study sort of broadened to incorporate a much sort, much bigger picture than I, I intended to, at, at the beginning. My main research, came from, my work at the Reagan archives. So that really sort of forms the strongest basis of my primary source research in terms of Reagan, and then his administration's, dealings and relationship with the religious right.

03:46 - I also looked at, a, a great deal of, for my foundational, knowledge or information on the religious right and, and their movement. I look to, to the leaders of that movement. So there's, that research is based in the writings of people like Jerry Falwell, pat Robertson, Francis Schafer, and, and other influential religious right leaders. Their books, their letters, their sermons,

04:17 - correspondence, things like that. And then for my understanding of the conservative movement, again, I went to the, to those individuals who, who founded and formed the movement. so people like William F. Buckley, Jr. Frank Meyer, Richard Weaver, Leo Strauss, guys like that. and then, and then of course on top of that, I have things like polling research, and,

04:41 - and, political documents, policy platforms, things like that. So really the, the core of the foundational research is, is the Reagan, archives, deep historical roots. I kind of, I, I go pretty far back. and that, and, and, and really look at religion in America. even though we think of the religious right as a modern movement, it takes a great deal from previous movements.

05:09 - For example, even the Puritans, I will go back and look at the Puritans and from the Puritans, the religious rights sort of drive their understanding of, of the relationship between government and the people in the form of, of, of a covenant or an agreement between, the people and God, God represented in, in this case, by government. So that key element of, of a covenant, which is extremely important, in, in the context of the religious right, which is, you know, which kind

05:36 - of their sort of raison dre or their justification for entering politics is because they'd come to understand it, that, that their understanding of the covenant had been broken by government. so that's sort of, that's, that's the deeper sort of historical roots. And then of course, we have the emergence of evangelicalism and fundamentalism. So in terms of evangelicalism, it's, you know,

06:00 - we have the great awakening in the early mid 17 hundreds. And this sort of helps begin to shift from pur away from Puritanism towards evangelicalism, as the dominant sort of religious philosophy or religious outlook in the colonies in the United States. And then again, then we have the second grade awakening in the, late 18th, early 19th century, excuse me. And this really solidifies a shift away from Puritanism

06:28 - to evangelicalism. And within a very short time, you have evangelicalism as the predominant sort of religious view in the United States. And we see a schism within the evangelical movement. And this largely comes about with the, rise of modernism. the works of people like Charles Darwin and Frederick Nietzsche, which really challenged religion's fundamental place in

06:51 - central focus in, in, in society. And evangelicals, sort of deal with this in two ways. the more liberal ones tend to try to incorporate these modernist thoughts within their basic religious outlook. So they sort of, begin to move away from things like biblical inerrancy or literal belief in the Bible, in the tribe, and say that these are more guidelines, or these are more sort of, you know, metaphors for

07:25 - how we should live our life and things like that. But there's a strong group of cons, more conservative or right-leaning evangelicals who not, who don't, who don't, who not only don't embrace or try to incorporate this, these sort of modern ways of thinking, these intellectual, scientific and philosophical sort of progressive movements, if you will. And instead, adhere strictly and become even more,

07:58 - sort of, what's the word I'm looking for, more attached or more, to, to the, to the traditional sort of view of things. And this is where you see a breakdown in evangelical movement. So you, you see, a schism that sort of leaves two sides, a more liberal and a more sort of what we might think of as conservative, although they probably wouldn't have identified

08:23 - as conservative at that time, in, in history. and so you have these two groups, and from the, from then there's another schism. You have, more conservative evangelical split even further. And this is where you see the rise of the fundamentalist movement. and it's the fundamentalist movement that, that sort of, it, it, it ships ships even further to the right, sort of in, in opposition to, these,

08:57 - these shifting, political or shifting religious philosophies. So, so you have that. Then the fundamentalist movement itself Has a schism. And so now you see the breakdown of this, of what Was once just sort of even evangelicalism into, not just a, a, a a, different Groups within the evangelical movement, but also an entirely different

09:21 - Movement that springs up in the fundamentalist movement. And so, in the 1920s and the early, early 19 hundreds, but really begins in the 1920s, we see, a concerted effort on the part of predominantly These right-wing fundamentalists, to challenge this modernist movement. And here we see the rise of somebody like a William Jennings Bryant, who is a larger than life, political and, intellectual

09:50 - and religious figure in the United States, Who in, in fact, is fairly progressive in most of his outlook. He's a champion of women's rights, and economically progressive, but, but draws the line when it comes to particular issues, particularly evolution. And so we see the final, the fundamentalists actually Make their first real sort of foray Into the public political discourse.

10:21 - And of course, this all culminates with the famous Scopes Monkey trial. you know, when, when evolution is, is, is challenged in the public school system in Tennessee, the fundamentalists Actually win that case. but it breaks when, Bryant, they Win the case legally, but It's a empiric victory, and they're sort of Ridiculed In the public stage.

10:50 - and, and after that, the fundamentalists sort of recede into the background, and they sort of leave the public political discourse for quite a while. And, and fundamentalism is, is, to, is, is sort of, Ridiculed. And, Basically Nobody would identify as a fundamental.

11:16 - There's a famous quote that, you know, that to, to, to, to raise your voice and let it be known you're fundamentalist is fundamentalist is is to be ridiculed. So, so the religious movement sort of, recede into the background for, for, for the better part of, of, you know, half a century. But it's in the wake of the second World War where you see a, a Religious revival. And

11:41 - this is largely in opposition to the rise of communism. And of course, one of the fundamental tenets of communism is anti-religious sort of sentiment. And whereas government had had sort of, is issued any kind of direct, relationship with, with religion and political leaders, religiou, sorry, religious leaders, you see the emergence of Billy Graham in the 1950s, and you see more and more evangelicals and fundamentalists sort

12:10 - of immersing themselves or, or stepping into the public political discourse. But these are still small numbers for the large part. They sort of maintain their own subcultures. and then basically you get, in the 1970s, you get the Roe v Wade decision, which really brings religion into, back into, into oppositional religion, back into the public political discourse. But it's largely led by Catholics who have been sort

12:40 - of the traditional, opponents of the abortion and contraceptives and things like that, some evangelicals and fundamentalists, but predominantly Catholics. But there's a significant, at the same time, in the post World War II period, you get the ro the reemergence of a conservative sort of, interest in conservative intellectualism. And this comes in two different camps. It comes from what we think classical liberals on the one hand, and traditional conservatives on the other.

13:13 - And these two groups, sort of, these two intellectual movements sort of emerge in opposition to social democratic liberalism, or what we might think of as New deal liberalism represented in FDR and, and the New Deal. And so you have the reemergence of an intellectual movement in these two, these two spheres, these two political philosophies. And of course, these are diametrically different ideologies. In fact, the conservative traditional conservatism emerges,

13:41 - you know, with Edmund Burke in opposition to classical liberalism, to John Locke and classical liberalism. So in fact, you have these two diametrically opposed, political ideologies that, that reemerge in opposition to the more modern concept of liberalism or social democratic liberalism, new deal liberalism. And these intellectual movements sort of, come about concurrently in two different sort of sides.

14:14 - And they find common cause against this, you know, communism abroad and new deal liberalism at home. And so it's basically the enemy of my enemy as my friend. And these two groups sort of try and unite with each other, but of course, they're, they're, they're oppositional political philosophies. And it's through, an individual called Frank Meyer, who was a prominent writer at National Review, which was founded by William L. Buckley Jr. Who comes up with this idea of fusion.

14:44 - This concept of fusion where he says, no, no, these two ideologies aren't, aren't in opposition to each other. In fact, they're very much dependent on one, one another. And he use, he basically sums it up in the idea that, you cannot have, order, or sorry, you cannot have freedom and liberty, without order. So of course, classical liberalism, you know, the main tenants or main philosophies of classical liberalism are free will, and, and,

15:15 - and freedom of liberty. And on the other side, you have traditional conservatism, which values sort of order, hierarchy, virtue, things like that. And so Meyer basically says that these two things are actually compatible. And so the intellectual movement shifts to a political movement based on this concept, the, the idea that these two things are inextricably linked, and of course, they're not.

15:42 - So there's tension within the conservative, the modern American conserv. And so that's what modern American conservatism is. It's these two philosophies sort of brought together as one. and there's tension there. There continues to be tension there, prominent intellectuals on both sides opposed the unification of these two ideologies. But it basically became the underlying philosophy, for the movement moving forward,

16:09 - which then manifests itself politically. and the first real, standard bearer of that is, Barry Goldwater. of course, his political success on the, on the, in the presidential realm is a failure, but it's enough to bring the movement into sort of, the mainstream. And then of course, we have Ronald Reagan who comes in, to term governor of California, and it's with Reagan that, in the 1980s

16:38 - where we see these two, these two oppositional sort of ideologies, really sort of fused. Reagan gets, his, he's basically raised in a classical liberal sort of political philosophy. he gets the, the, the, the, the core tenets of that from his father who instills in him this idea that, of free will, the idea that, you know, you are what you make of yourself, that, that, you know, each person is responsible and dictates

17:09 - and directs their own future. But he was also raised by a very strict, religious mother who was a member of the disciples of Christ Church. And Reagan was raised in the disciples of Christ Church. and he's often sort of painted as this pseudo sort of traditional or religious conservative. but that's not true. The foundations of Reagan's religious influences are very deep, and his mother raises and instills in him,

17:34 - and the church instills in him this idea of sort of, of a divine will, of, of this sense that God has a plan, and that, you know, everything that happens is part of God's plan. Well, of course, these two things are, again, much like traditional conservatism and cross classical liberalism, diametrically applies to, to one another. You know, you, you can't have divine will on one side and freedom of will on the other.

17:57 - But Reagan's able to sort of embrace both of these philosophies. I kind of refer to it as Will and destiny. And, and that really forms the core of Reagan's religious and political philosophies. And of course, this fits perfectly into Frank Meyer's theory of fusion, the idea that traditional conservatism and classical liberalism can, can, you know, work together or in fact are actually inextricably linked. And Reagan believed this,

18:23 - and this form, the core philosophy of both its political and religious beliefs. So what Reagan is able to do, as opposed to somebody like Barry Goldwater who sort of give deference, or or somewhat lip service, was able to sort of, you know, incorporate some of the philosophies of, of, of traditional conservatism. He was a libertarian. He opposed, you know, he was, he was okay with things like voluntary school prayer,

18:51 - but he was opposed to the religious rights influence in the GOP, and he was really an outspoken libertarian. Whereas Reagan was able to embrace both of these philosophies in which placed him ideally, in an ideal position to sort of bring about the fusion of these two in terms of the political, in terms of political policy and political outlook. He shared the general concerns of these Christian conservatives genuinely. And, he would say things like,

19:19 - the American people were under a direct attack from radical secular values and, and, and things like that. And freedom prospers when religion is, is vibrant, and the rule of law, under God is acknowledged. So Reagan presidency is able to facilitate the convergence of modern American conservatism, and right when Christianity, because he embraces the core philosophies represented by both of those two things. And so what he's able to do then is to sort of, whereas

19:47 - there had been sort of two, sort of separate wings of the modern American conservative movement, he's able to sort of fuse the, the policy objectives of, of both of those together. He would say things like, you know, we don't have two, you know, one policy objective for this, and one for that. We have one policy objective, just as you know, as we hope to, write the, the nation's economic, finances. And, and, and the foreign policy objectives at the same time

20:20 - will do this within the broader context of a moral, rejuvenation of within the United States. And so he's able to actually, raise the issues that, that are prominent and, and, important to those in the religious right to, if not the same, to if not the same place as the, the economic sort of, values or economic policy objectives and foreign policy objectives of the classical liberals. he's at least able to, to put them in the discussion.

20:51 - And so what we see by the time Reagan leaves office is that we, we basically see a, a true fusion within the Republican party and within the conservative movement, theoretically at least of the core tenets of both of those two political philosophies, Reagan succeeded in, in sort of moving the conservative movement, and by extension, the Republican party closer towards Myers's vision of fusion. And, and in theory, in the process, he helped

21:21 - to elevate the importance of religious commitment and theological conservatism in terms of voting patterns, while making religiosity sort of a, a central component of the Republican party. And you see moving forward, whereas the, the libertarian wing of the Republican party had been predominant, you start to see the beginning of traditional conservatism actually, actually not, not just sort of getting an equal footing,

21:53 - but start to take over the Republican party itself. And so as we move further into the nineties, into two thousands, it's really the, traditional conservative element or wing of the party that comes to dominate. And it's the libertarian and classical liberal wing of the party that seeks to maintain some sort of dominant, or not even dominance, but just even some sort of a voice in the party, what Reagan was to do besides his policy, successes,

22:23 - which things like, passing, equal access, which allows religious, groups equal access to public schools. it was actually able to pass a silent prayer objective, of course, things like, tuition tax credits for, for students, going to private schools, Christian private schools, and, the abortion issue, which came to really again, sort of symbolize the, the, the, the religious right movement are,

22:54 - he's less successful in that. And of course, those things, are still, left, incomplete when Reagan leaves. Now, of course, fast forward 40 years later, and we have, you know, what many people thought was impossible, the actual overturning of Roe v Wade, the roots of that movement that, that made, that, you know, the roots of that sort of political success in the 2000 twenties is, is in, is in the 1980s with, with Ronald Reagan.

23:27 - Reagan infuses religion into politics. He speaks, in religious terms, he advocates for religious right, moral, their moral agenda objectives in speeches. he is the most outspoken advocate, of the anti-abortion movement. in fact, he writes, he writes an anti-abortion polemic an article, which is then turned into a book. you know, he, he declares a, a a a year

24:01 - of prayer in 1983. He, he, he, Reagan is the one we hear, you know, what's become commonplace in American political rhetoric. God bless America, that had actually, that term had only actually ever been used once in a political speech by Richard Nixon. It was during the Watergate scandal. Reagan. Reagan used that regularly. And where today that, that's a ubiquitous term,

24:28 - and not just within the Republican party, but across the political spectrum. So, you know, Reagan really is the one who, who infuses religion into politics. And when he leaves, that's not just a core tenet of the Republican party, but it's a, it's a, it's across the political spectrum. What we see in, in the post Reagan era are religious, right, prominent, religious right activists entering the political,

24:56 - form themselves, not as backers of other, of, of political actors themselves, but they take on the role of political action themselves. So we first see that in, pat Robertson, who's a prominent, religious right, leader running for president. of course, he, he doesn't succeed, but there are hundreds of re political, religious, right political activists who do win office on the state and federal level in Congress and the Senate, both state

25:31 - and federal federally after that. So, you know, the implications of Reagan's sort of, prominence and, but you know, his greatest success really is mainstreaming religion and politics and mainstreaming the religious right and making their moral agenda issues, key issues, not just within the Republican party, but within the political discourse themselves. And that brings evangelicals and fundamentalists directly into the political process.

26:03 - Reagan's greatest contribution to the religious right, is his mainstreaming of, of the movement and their policy objectives. So these become prominent issues discussed in the Congress and in the Senate where there had been peripheral issues before. Things like abortion, things like school tax credits for Christian private schools, things like school prayer. and, and that's I think what a lot

26:31 - of the scholarship has neglected. they've sort of tried to assess Reagan's success in this area in terms of his, in terms of legislative success. And while there was some legislative success, admittedly he didn't pass the three main objectives, but I argue that that mainstreaming that credibility that he gives them, so that as they move forward, they're, they're, they're, both parties are forced to take the religious right, and it's the movement

27:02 - and its policy, its moral agenda, seriously. And I think that credibility in the long run, and I think we've seen that manifest itself over the decades following that. And of course, it's been, you know, perhaps most recognized with the passage of, of, or, you know, sorry, with the, overturning of Roe v. Wade. So, I, I, I, my, what I'd really like to make clear is that, that credibility, that mainstream

27:35 - that Reagan did is much more important and has had a much greater impact than the scholarship has up to this point. Has, has really, recognized.

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