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Laurence Claus discusses the resilience of Swiss democracy’s plural executive and executive power sharing.

Image courtesy of interviewee. March 22, 2024

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This video video presents a compelling argument against the concentration of power in a single chief executive, using Switzerland's multi-person leadership model as a prime example. It discusses how having one leader can lead to tyranny by providing a path for charismatic individuals to amass loyal followings and wield significant control. The author identifies several dangers of a singular executive position, such as fostering an environment conducive to dictatorship, prioritizing personal ambition over collective governance, and creating gridlock while presenting tyranny as a possible solution.

In contrast, the Swiss model, which features a seven-member Federal Council, promotes shared power, inclusivity, and accountability. Decisions are made collectively, reducing the risk of personalism and enhancing stability within the democracy. The discussion touches upon the historical context of executive power debates in the United States and underscores the importance of diversity and representation within governance structures. This video video argues that decentralized leadership systems mitigate the risks associated with individual power consolidation, ultimately demonstrating that such models can effectively safeguard democratic processes.

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The tyranny of the one returns our minds to an idea

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for protecting democracy that we have not much talked about

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for, over 200 years.

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And for almost all of that 200 years, one Nation Switzerland

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has, been governing itself according to that idea

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and has proven that it works,

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that it keeps democracy strong.

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And the idea is this don't have one person at the top,

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don't have one Chief executive.

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Our contemporary, contemporary literature on protecting

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democracy has grappled with most everything except

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the job that would be tyrants actually want.

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And we have so often seen that a tyrant can grow up

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and rise, rise to power inside a democracy

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through their ability to attract a mass following.

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Many people can become enthralled to a person.

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No one has ever been enthralled to a committee.

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So if we don't want one person at the top for life,

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how about just not having one person at the top at all?

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Here in the United States, we have not really

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con considered debated the question of how,

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how the executive ought

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to be structured since 1787 when we did have a real debate

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with Benjamin Franklin

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and many other leading founders arguing strongly

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for sharing the executive power,

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but only Switzerland really did it.

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And of the one explains why it's time for the rest of us

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to reconsider our one true leader models.

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Let's notice five ways

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that having one chief executive endangers democracy.

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Uh, first of all, contests to be the president

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or the Prime Minister, provide a platform

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for a charismatic person to build a devoted following

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and turn that following into a mighty force that can capture

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temporary control of government

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through democratic processes.

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And then second, the office of chief executive hands,

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that one person just what they need to make temporary power

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permanent through the powers to hire and fire

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and spend and command.

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The one true leader can grow a shadow system using favors

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and fear to create this power pyramid

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with one person at the top

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and everyone else personally loyal to that one person.

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And through the workings of the shadow system,

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the one true leader can hollow out

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and occupy the institutions of government

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that is supposed to check and balance.

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The chief executive government ceases

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to be about the common good, the public interest,

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and becomes all about the narrow

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self-interest of the leader.

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Now, over the two centuries

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that American style presidential models of government

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and British style prime ministerial models

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of government have been widely copied,

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we have seen them fail repeatedly in just this way.

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Third in many times

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and places contests

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to be the one chief executive have led people to expect

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that democracy won't go on forever

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because people can see how often in the past these sorts

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of contests have ushered in dictators

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and they can see the kinds of competitors

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that these contests attract.

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Expectations that whoever wins will likely

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stay, are heightened anywhere.

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Of course, that that has happened before.

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Fourth, having one chief executive can change the main

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reason for political parties to exist and to stay united.

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Instead of being all about promoting policies

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that they believe are in the public interest,

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parties can become mainly about capturing the executive

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and with it the rewards of executive incumbency,

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including plum jobs and government contracts

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and regulatory accommodations for allies.

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So the one true leader model gives party members reasons

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to stay together just so they can dominate.

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They don't really even need to share deep beliefs.

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The one true leader model allows a party

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to dominate without overwhelming popular support

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because someone has to be chief executive

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and a charismatic leader can get them over the line to claim

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that prize at a particular moment in time.

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Fifth, having one chief executive nurtures gridlock

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and then it dangles tyranny as the solution

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to gridlock right when cont contest

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to be the one true leader fixate our politics on capturing

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that office rather than on

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what should actually be done by government.

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Many players in the political system get reasons

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to want the government to fail at being a good government so

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that their team can more easily replace it.

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So deadlocks

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and stal mates that are really created

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by the one true leader model itself become FOD

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for candidates to, for chief executive to claim

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that the system is broken and that they alone can fix it.

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When Switzerland became a nation, they insisted

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that seven people share in leading the government,

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and they did this in response to their ethnic

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and religious diversity.

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Having seven leaders now of course, promotes democracy

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and diversity in other ways too.

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It is now, for example, expected that at least three

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of the seven will be women.

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The seven members of Switzerland's Federal Council

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administer the nation together.

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Each of them heads a department of the government.

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But all of the big decisions

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of government are made by the seven of them.

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The Constitution requires them to act as a collegial body.

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Council members are expected

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to support the council's decisions,

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even when those decisions are not exactly

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what they would individually have wanted.

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And the seven members of Switzerland's Federal

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Council are equals.

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Each year the Federal Assembly elects one council member

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to chair meetings.

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And for that one year,

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the chosen person represents the nation In formal settings

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where one person needs to do that, they cannot be reelected

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to that role The following year,

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the Swiss electoral system

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achieves proportional representation.

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Political parties win seats in proportion

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to their share of the vote.

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And this means that many political parties have seats in the

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Swiss Federal Assembly and that none has a majority

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of the seats, therefore, choosing members

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of the Federal Council.

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The national executive requires

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that political parties work together.

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If each party just voted for its own,

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no one would be elected.

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So this is led the parties in the legislature

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to agree on a formula by which the major parties are all

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represented in the national executive

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parties in the legislature are

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therefore not preoccupied

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with capturing the executive from one another.

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Their successes parties does not depend on being dominant,

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that because they don't need to cobble together enough

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support to win the executive.

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Instead, their successes parties comes from having better

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ideas, better policy, proposals, and parliament.

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The legislature remains actively about the struggle,

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the debate, the battle for ideas about

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policies, not personalities.

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The Swiss system does not give anyone reasons

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to want Swiss government to fail.

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When we remove the glittering prize of executive incumbency

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having one chief executive, our opposition to proposal

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proposals of the government are really about

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disagreement over ideas.

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They're not about opposing in the hopes of replacing.

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So democracy is made much more stable, much more secure

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because the system does not give anyone an

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inside track to endangering.

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The article cites empirical evidence that

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personalizing dictatorship makes it much more durable

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and damaging without one true leader.

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It turns out it's actually really hard to derail a democracy

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without one true leader.

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It's also hard to stay a tyranny.

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Democracies with one true leader

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are playing on tyranny turf.

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They can be undermined from the inside.

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Tyrannies that share ultimate power

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are really playing on democracy's turf.

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They mostly come about when

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a military overthrows a civilian government

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and then doesn't know what to do next.

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The tyranny by committee tends to be transitional.

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It's a bridge either to democracy or to one true tyrant.

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And we can make sense of this when we see tyranny

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by committee through the eyes

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of the individual committee members.

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It's not actually fun

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To share in power if you've got a constantly

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fear and knife in the back.

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China, for example, seemed to be on a path toward democracy

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during the years that its government began to share power

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among many minds.

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But as Xi Jinping has consolidated the reigns

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of power again in one pair of hands, we've watched hopes

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for accountability to the Chinese people.

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And a real rule of law fade away.

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The gatherings that draft new constitutions, in times

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of national transition tend to be dominated

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by the most likely leaders of the systems

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that they are devising.

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So a predictable obstacle to power sharing

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is the personal ambition

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or expectation of the reformers truly shared governance

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that keeps individuals out of the spotlight.

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There's just not so appealing to many likely leaders.

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The article cites evidence that Careerism explains a lot

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about how we came to have the constitutions that we do.

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But of course, no one ever gives that reason. Right.

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The reasons that are most often given

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for having one chief executive are that the government

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with one chief executive will have more energy

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and speed and accountability.

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And the article shows why these reasons are weak.

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Swift experience proves that a shared executive can be

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as efficient and as accountable as one person

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and more reliably.

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So our sense that the executive part

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of government has an a special need

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for speed has its roots in our historic experience

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of the Warrior King.

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Because leading in battle, of course,

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does require snap decision making.

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But when battlefield conditions require singular leadership,

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that leadership is needed from a commander in the field,

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not from some distant national executive.

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Too often our thinking about this has been one in which the

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battlefield tail has wagged the governance dog.

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The only time a national executive may need to decide

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with battle speed is a nuclear confrontation.

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And for obvious reasons,

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nuclear powers have elaborate procedures for deciding when

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to push the nuclear button.

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Those elaborate procedures could involve more than one

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person in the ultimate decision to fire a nuclear weapon.

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And there are strong reasons not

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to let one person's whims decide whether the world

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plunges into nuclear war.

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Or just a few years ago,

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the Swiss model underwent a stress test calling

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for Switzerland to cut back on immigration

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and keep its distance.

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In international relations,

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a billionaire businessman called Christophe Blocker turned a

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sleepy rural party into an electoral powerhouse

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that won more votes than any other party

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in Swiss national elections.

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Swiss democracy translated Christophe blocker's electoral

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success into seats in

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National and regional assemblies.

11:55.435 --> 11:58.615
But Swiss democracy never gave Christophe blocker a

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chance to become Chief.

11:59.965 --> 12:02.455
Executive Blocker could gather popular support

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to change government policies,

12:04.635 --> 12:08.415
but Blocker could not ride that passing popular support

12:08.415 --> 12:11.775
to capture the government and remake it in his image.

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The Swiss Federal Assembly elected Christophe blocker

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to a four year term on the federal council.

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Stories of simmering tensions

12:21.265 --> 12:24.125
of collegiality in jeopardy soon began to appear.

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And after an awkward four years,

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the Federal Assembly did not reelect him.

12:30.015 --> 12:31.835
It was the only time in over a century

12:32.665 --> 12:35.195
that a federal counselor had run for reelection

12:35.195 --> 12:38.955
and been denied because the job is just a bad fit

12:39.415 --> 12:40.795
for a charismatic leader.

12:41.095 --> 12:42.635
It does not give them a platform

12:42.775 --> 12:44.635
to stand out within the group.

12:45.185 --> 12:47.075
They don't get to make decisions on their own.

12:47.825 --> 12:49.395
They don't get to advertise their

12:49.635 --> 12:51.075
superiority really in any way.

12:52.555 --> 12:56.215
The Swiss Federal Council is a showboats nightmare, right?

12:56.475 --> 12:58.655
And on learning that he wasn't gonna be reelected blocker

12:58.855 --> 13:01.655
declared quote that he was torn between relief,

13:01.655 --> 13:03.335
disappointment, and outrage.

13:04.045 --> 13:05.825
If the assembly wasn't gonna keep him in the council,

13:06.455 --> 13:09.745
then he would withdraw his party from the government,

13:09.745 --> 13:11.625
he said, and become an opposition.

13:12.575 --> 13:14.035
But that didn't get the party anywhere

13:14.185 --> 13:17.075
because the plural executive model helps steer people away

13:17.075 --> 13:18.355
from cults of personality.

13:18.455 --> 13:21.755
It just offers no avenue to Messianic ambition.

13:22.495 --> 13:25.235
So Blocker's party ultimately agreed to nominate two people

13:25.935 --> 13:28.555
to fill a later vacancy on the Federal Council.

13:29.415 --> 13:30.915
One of them was Christophe blocker.

13:31.295 --> 13:33.355
The Federal Assembly chose the other person.

13:34.705 --> 13:36.905
Blockers party slunk back into

13:36.905 --> 13:38.425
power back into the government.

13:39.555 --> 13:43.145
But the system had seen him off without any major trauma

13:44.095 --> 13:47.925
worth, without any real risk to democracy itself.

13:48.695 --> 13:52.845
Swiss democracy reliably deflects attempts to undermine it

13:53.145 --> 13:54.965
by giving the players in the democracy.

13:55.265 --> 13:58.445
Gam gain ample space to promote policies,

13:58.585 --> 14:01.125
but very little space to promote themselves.

14:01.675 --> 14:03.805
There's no big brother's face filling new

14:03.805 --> 14:04.885
screens in Switzerland.

14:05.865 --> 14:08.445
For almost two centuries, the Swiss have in a sense,

14:09.075 --> 14:10.605
performed a clinical trial

14:10.985 --> 14:12.885
for government without one true leader.

14:13.465 --> 14:14.885
And they've proven that it works.

00:00 - The tyranny of the one returns our minds to an idea for protecting democracy that we have not much talked about for, over 200 years. And for almost all of that 200 years, one Nation Switzerland has, been governing itself according to that idea and has proven that it works,

00:23 - that it keeps democracy strong. And the idea is this don't have one person at the top, don't have one Chief executive. Our contemporary, contemporary literature on protecting democracy has grappled with most everything except the job that would be tyrants actually want. And we have so often seen that a tyrant can grow up and rise, rise to power inside a democracy through their ability to attract a mass following. Many people can become enthralled to a person.

01:02 - No one has ever been enthralled to a committee. So if we don't want one person at the top for life, how about just not having one person at the top at all? Here in the United States, we have not really con considered debated the question of how, how the executive ought to be structured since 1787 when we did have a real debate with Benjamin Franklin and many other leading founders arguing strongly for sharing the executive power,

01:33 - but only Switzerland really did it. And of the one explains why it's time for the rest of us to reconsider our one true leader models. Let's notice five ways that having one chief executive endangers democracy. first of all, contests to be the president or the Prime Minister, provide a platform for a charismatic person to build a devoted following and turn that following into a mighty force that can capture temporary control of government

02:07 - through democratic processes. And then second, the office of chief executive hands, that one person just what they need to make temporary power permanent through the powers to hire and fire and spend and command. The one true leader can grow a shadow system using favors and fear to create this power pyramid with one person at the top and everyone else personally loyal to that one person. And through the workings of the shadow system,

02:41 - the one true leader can hollow out and occupy the institutions of government that is supposed to check and balance. The chief executive government ceases to be about the common good, the public interest, and becomes all about the narrow self-interest of the leader. Now, over the two centuries that American style presidential models of government and British style prime ministerial models

03:07 - of government have been widely copied, we have seen them fail repeatedly in just this way. Third in many times and places contests to be the one chief executive have led people to expect that democracy won't go on forever because people can see how often in the past these sorts of contests have ushered in dictators and they can see the kinds of competitors that these contests attract.

03:34 - Expectations that whoever wins will likely stay, are heightened anywhere. Of course, that that has happened before. Fourth, having one chief executive can change the main reason for political parties to exist and to stay united. Instead of being all about promoting policies that they believe are in the public interest, parties can become mainly about capturing the executive and with it the rewards of executive incumbency, including plum jobs and government contracts

04:09 - and regulatory accommodations for allies. So the one true leader model gives party members reasons to stay together just so they can dominate. They don't really even need to share deep beliefs. The one true leader model allows a party to dominate without overwhelming popular support because someone has to be chief executive and a charismatic leader can get them over the line to claim that prize at a particular moment in time. Fifth, having one chief executive nurtures gridlock

04:40 - and then it dangles tyranny as the solution to gridlock right when cont contest to be the one true leader fixate our politics on capturing that office rather than on what should actually be done by government. Many players in the political system get reasons to want the government to fail at being a good government so that their team can more easily replace it. So deadlocks and stal mates that are really created

05:07 - by the one true leader model itself become FOD for candidates to, for chief executive to claim that the system is broken and that they alone can fix it. When Switzerland became a nation, they insisted that seven people share in leading the government, and they did this in response to their ethnic and religious diversity. Having seven leaders now of course, promotes democracy and diversity in other ways too. It is now, for example, expected that at least three

05:39 - of the seven will be women. The seven members of Switzerland's Federal Council administer the nation together. Each of them heads a department of the government. But all of the big decisions of government are made by the seven of them. The Constitution requires them to act as a collegial body. Council members are expected to support the council's decisions, even when those decisions are not exactly

06:03 - what they would individually have wanted. And the seven members of Switzerland's Federal Council are equals. Each year the Federal Assembly elects one council member to chair meetings. And for that one year, the chosen person represents the nation In formal settings where one person needs to do that, they cannot be reelected to that role The following year, the Swiss electoral system

06:27 - achieves proportional representation. Political parties win seats in proportion to their share of the vote. And this means that many political parties have seats in the Swiss Federal Assembly and that none has a majority of the seats, therefore, choosing members of the Federal Council. The national executive requires that political parties work together. If each party just voted for its own,

06:50 - no one would be elected. So this is led the parties in the legislature to agree on a formula by which the major parties are all represented in the national executive parties in the legislature are therefore not preoccupied with capturing the executive from one another. Their successes parties does not depend on being dominant, that because they don't need to cobble together enough support to win the executive.

07:13 - Instead, their successes parties comes from having better ideas, better policy, proposals, and parliament. The legislature remains actively about the struggle, the debate, the battle for ideas about policies, not personalities. The Swiss system does not give anyone reasons to want Swiss government to fail. When we remove the glittering prize of executive incumbency having one chief executive, our opposition to proposal proposals of the government are really about

07:47 - disagreement over ideas. They're not about opposing in the hopes of replacing. So democracy is made much more stable, much more secure because the system does not give anyone an inside track to endangering. The article cites empirical evidence that personalizing dictatorship makes it much more durable and damaging without one true leader. It turns out it's actually really hard to derail a democracy without one true leader.

08:17 - It's also hard to stay a tyranny. Democracies with one true leader are playing on tyranny turf. They can be undermined from the inside. Tyrannies that share ultimate power are really playing on democracy's turf. They mostly come about when a military overthrows a civilian government and then doesn't know what to do next. The tyranny by committee tends to be transitional.

08:41 - It's a bridge either to democracy or to one true tyrant. And we can make sense of this when we see tyranny by committee through the eyes of the individual committee members. It's not actually fun To share in power if you've got a constantly fear and knife in the back. China, for example, seemed to be on a path toward democracy during the years that its government began to share power among many minds.

09:07 - But as Xi Jinping has consolidated the reigns of power again in one pair of hands, we've watched hopes for accountability to the Chinese people. And a real rule of law fade away. The gatherings that draft new constitutions, in times of national transition tend to be dominated by the most likely leaders of the systems that they are devising. So a predictable obstacle to power sharing is the personal ambition

09:38 - or expectation of the reformers truly shared governance that keeps individuals out of the spotlight. There's just not so appealing to many likely leaders. The article cites evidence that Careerism explains a lot about how we came to have the constitutions that we do. But of course, no one ever gives that reason. Right. The reasons that are most often given for having one chief executive are that the government with one chief executive will have more energy and speed and accountability.

10:11 - And the article shows why these reasons are weak. Swift experience proves that a shared executive can be as efficient and as accountable as one person and more reliably. So our sense that the executive part of government has an a special need for speed has its roots in our historic experience of the Warrior King. Because leading in battle, of course, does require snap decision making.

10:37 - But when battlefield conditions require singular leadership, that leadership is needed from a commander in the field, not from some distant national executive. Too often our thinking about this has been one in which the battlefield tail has wagged the governance dog. The only time a national executive may need to decide with battle speed is a nuclear confrontation. And for obvious reasons, nuclear powers have elaborate procedures for deciding when to push the nuclear button.

11:07 - Those elaborate procedures could involve more than one person in the ultimate decision to fire a nuclear weapon. And there are strong reasons not to let one person's whims decide whether the world plunges into nuclear war. Or just a few years ago, the Swiss model underwent a stress test calling for Switzerland to cut back on immigration and keep its distance. In international relations,

11:34 - a billionaire businessman called Christophe Blocker turned a sleepy rural party into an electoral powerhouse that won more votes than any other party in Swiss national elections. Swiss democracy translated Christophe blocker's electoral success into seats in National and regional assemblies. But Swiss democracy never gave Christophe blocker a chance to become Chief. Executive Blocker could gather popular support

12:02 - to change government policies, but Blocker could not ride that passing popular support to capture the government and remake it in his image. The Swiss Federal Assembly elected Christophe blocker to a four year term on the federal council. Stories of simmering tensions of collegiality in jeopardy soon began to appear. And after an awkward four years, the Federal Assembly did not reelect him. It was the only time in over a century

12:32 - that a federal counselor had run for reelection and been denied because the job is just a bad fit for a charismatic leader. It does not give them a platform to stand out within the group. They don't get to make decisions on their own. They don't get to advertise their superiority really in any way. The Swiss Federal Council is a showboats nightmare, right? And on learning that he wasn't gonna be reelected blocker

12:58 - declared quote that he was torn between relief, disappointment, and outrage. If the assembly wasn't gonna keep him in the council, then he would withdraw his party from the government, he said, and become an opposition. But that didn't get the party anywhere because the plural executive model helps steer people away from cults of personality. It just offers no avenue to Messianic ambition. So Blocker's party ultimately agreed to nominate two people

13:25 - to fill a later vacancy on the Federal Council. One of them was Christophe blocker. The Federal Assembly chose the other person. Blockers party slunk back into power back into the government. But the system had seen him off without any major trauma worth, without any real risk to democracy itself. Swiss democracy reliably deflects attempts to undermine it by giving the players in the democracy. Gam gain ample space to promote policies,

13:58 - but very little space to promote themselves. There's no big brother's face filling new screens in Switzerland. For almost two centuries, the Swiss have in a sense, performed a clinical trial for government without one true leader. And they've proven that it works.

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